The underground networks that once thrived in the shadows are facing a tightening web of intelligence, technology and law enforcement. Why are the so-called “Cockroaches” — the editor’s derisive description of the Cockroach Janta Party — suddenly challenging the Indian state so openly? What has changed? What has forced those who allegedly operated from the shadows to become more visible? Consider a farmer’s simple technique for dealing with pests. Smoke is sent into their underground burrows. The creatures that once felt safe in darkness are forced out into the open. Their hiding places become traps. Could something similar be happening in Bharat’s long battle against its hidden enemies? For decades, Bharat has faced what security circles describe as a “0.5 front”: a complex, overlapping threat involving terrorism, Maoist insurgency, organised crime, narcotics trafficking, cybercrime and foreign-backed destabilisation. Terrorists killed civilians, Maoists ambushed security personnel, criminal networks moved illicit money and weapons, and foreign funding sometimes raised legitimate questions about the interests behind supposedly domestic campaigns. Not every protest or dissenting voice belongs in this category; distinguishing lawful democratic activity from criminal conspiracy remains essential. The significant change is not necessarily one dramatic operation. It is the gradual construction of a wider enforcement architecture. Since 2020, a series of measures has strengthened Bharat’s capacity to follow money, identify suspects, connect databases and coordinate investigations. The Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Centre (I4C), launched in January 2020, created a national framework for tackling cybercrime. Tighter scrutiny of foreign contributions followed in September that year. Subsequent measures improved the interception of cyber-fraud proceeds and channelled foreign contributions through designated banking arrangements. The opening of NATGRID’s Bengaluru campus in May 2022 strengthened the infrastructure for intelligence-led investigations. The National Automated Fingerprint Identification System (NAFIS), launched in August 2022, expanded the ability to match fingerprints across jurisdictions. Terror-related designations and coordinated searches added to the enforcement effort.
Then came a major legislative shift. Parliament passed three new criminal laws in December 2023, which came into force on July 1, 2024: the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) and the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam (BSA). Together, they replaced the principal colonial-era criminal codes governing offences, criminal procedure and evidence. The effort to modernise investigative capacity continued. In June 2024, ₹2,254 crore was approved to strengthen forensic infrastructure. By September, new cybercrime coordination and intelligence-sharing mechanisms included Samanvaya, Pratibimb, a suspect registry, cyber commandos and a fraud-mitigation centre connecting banks with police agencies. In January 2025, BHARATPOL was launched to facilitate international police cooperation through INTERPOL channels, while CyMAC strengthened coordination on cyber-threat intelligence. A further ₹500-crore upgrade was reported in May 2025 to improve AI-enabled mapping and intelligence sharing. In February 2026, the government unveiled PRAHAAR, a national counter-terrorism doctrine. By March, NATGRID’s expanding network was reported to connect 11 central agencies, police forces across states and Union Territories, and 11 data providers. Now connect the dots. Money leaves trails. Fingerprints establish identities. Digital devices preserve evidence. Communications and financial transactions can expose relationships. Intelligence-sharing systems can connect fragments that previously remained scattered across departments and jurisdictions. That is the strategic significance of these developments: not that every hidden network has been exposed, or that every security threat has disappeared, but that operating across institutional gaps may be becoming more difficult. This is where Amit Shah’s much-discussed “iron fist” approach acquires a technological dimension. Enforcement is no longer only about catching a suspect after an attack. It is increasingly about building the capacity to identify connections, trace resources, detect patterns and intervene earlier. Yet there is an indispensable qualification. Stronger surveillance and enforcement powers must operate within constitutional safeguards, judicial oversight and the rule of law. Political dissent, peaceful protest and legitimate criticism cannot be equated with terrorism or conspiracy. A democracy must be strong enough to pursue genuine threats without treating every opponent as an enemy. The real test, therefore, is not how many people are forced into the open, but how effectively credible evidence leads to lawful action and convictions. The smoke may be entering the tunnels. The exits may be narrowing. But the ultimate measure of Shah’s iron fist will be whether it dismantles criminal and terror networks while preserving the constitutional freedoms that distinguish Bharat from the forces it seeks to defeat.
