There are moments in international diplomacy when facts speak louder than political rhetoric. The arrival of Russian President Vladimir Putin in New Delhi, the impending arrival of Chinese President Xi Jinping and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, and the 18th BRICS Summit beginning in the national capital on September 12 provide precisely such a moment for Bharat. For those in the Opposition who habitually look for reasons to crib, sulk or question every diplomatic engagement of the Narendra Modi Government, the gathering at Bharat Mandapam offers an inconvenient reality: Bharat is today in a position to engage simultaneously with Moscow, Beijing, Tehran, Washington, the Gulf and the wider Global South without surrendering its strategic autonomy. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin held extensive bilateral discussions on Friday ahead of the BRICS Summit. The talks covered energy, defence, economic cooperation and major international conflicts, including developments in West Asia and the Black Sea region. Modi reiterated Bharat’s consistent position that conflicts must ultimately be addressed through dialogue and diplomacy, while indicating that Bharat is prepared to contribute to peace efforts. That is not merely diplomatic language. It is strategic positioning. The Bharat-Russia relationship has demonstrated considerable resilience despite enormous geopolitical pressure following the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Bharat has continued to purchase Russian crude because energy security cannot be subordinated to the preferences of another country. Russian oil became particularly important in 2026 as disruptions in Middle Eastern supplies increased pressure on global energy markets. Reuters reported that Russia accounted for as much as 51 per cent of Bharat’s crude imports in July. This does not mean Bharat has chosen Russia over the United States or the West. That is precisely the simplistic binary that New Delhi has repeatedly rejected. The same strategic autonomy is visible in defence and technology. Bharat-Russia cooperation remains significant, while discussions are also evolving towards advanced manufacturing, aviation, nuclear energy and other areas. There has been speculation over deeper cooperation involving fifth-generation aircraft and advanced defence systems, but such proposals should not be presented as concluded agreements unless formally announced. The larger message, however, is unmistakable: Bharat is seeking technology, capability and manufacturing partnerships rather than becoming permanently dependent on any single supplier. The same logic applies to civil aviation. Bharat’s enormous aviation market gives it leverage to diversify sources of aircraft and technology. Reducing excessive dependence on any one Western manufacturer, where commercially and technologically viable, is a matter of strategic resilience—not an anti-American gesture.
And then comes BRICS. The grouping that began as BRIC has grown substantially. It now has 11 full members—Brazil, Russia, Bharat, China, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the UAE, Indonesia and Saudi Arabia. Together, they account for approximately 49.5 per cent of the world’s population, 40 per cent of global GDP and 26 per cent of global trade. There are also 10 partner countries. These numbers explain why BRICS can no longer be dismissed as an annual photo opportunity. But neither should it be described as an anti-American or anti-European bloc. BRICS itself is too diverse and its members’ interests too divergent for such a simplistic characterisation. Its growing significance lies elsewhere: it provides major emerging economies with a platform to demand greater representation in global governance and to expand cooperation in trade, technology, energy, finance and supply chains. That is exactly where Bharat’s leadership matters. Xi Jinping’s participation in the Delhi summit and his expected bilateral meeting with Modi on September 12 is particularly significant. The relationship between Bharat and China remains burdened by unresolved boundary issues, strategic distrust and economic imbalances. Yet engagement between the two leaders is itself important. Recent progress in border management and military disengagement has created some space for diplomacy, but it would be premature to suggest that the fundamental differences have disappeared. That is where Modi’s diplomacy deserves recognition. Bharat does not have to choose between Washington and Moscow, or between Russia and China, or between the West and the Global South. Its strength lies precisely in maintaining the ability to speak to all sides while protecting its own national interests. The presence of Putin, Xi and Pezeshkian in New Delhi within the same diplomatic framework is therefore more than symbolism. It demonstrates the changing weight of Bharat in an increasingly multipolar world. The Modi Government should use the opportunity to push hard for greater trade, technology transfer, resilient supply chains, energy security and practical cooperation among BRICS members and partners. BRICS may not become a single geopolitical bloc. Nor does it need to. Its importance is that the world is no longer being shaped exclusively in Washington, Brussels or Beijing. And Bharat, under Modi, is determined to ensure that New Delhi has a seat at every table where the new global order is being shaped.
