India Doesn’t Need Taliban’s Help – Stop Misreading Jaishankar’s Courtesy

Let me say this without mincing words: India does not need Taliban-ruled Afghanistan as an ally in its ongoing strategic standoff with Pakistan. Nor has External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar’s recent phone call to Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban’s acting Foreign Minister, been any sign of seeking support. It was a diplomatic courtesy—nothing more, nothing less. Those misinterpreting it as a shift in India’s strategic posture are either naive or wilfully blind.

I was compelled to write this after even a close friend, otherwise a nationalist, wondered whether this was a move to solicit Taliban cooperation. Let’s get this straight: Taliban remains a terror outfit in the eyes of the Indian state. No amount of temporary distancing from Pakistan changes that reality. India has not forgotten Kandahar. We have not forgotten IC-814. We have not forgotten the blood spilled due to Taliban-sponsored terror.

Jaishankar’s call was an acknowledgment of Afghanistan, condemning the Pahalgam attack. A thank you, not an invitation. India is not in the business of partnering with snakes, even if they hiss less loudly for a while. As veteran diplomat Deepak Vohra reminds us time and again, India is the land of Chanakya, and every step is calculated. No one should mistake pragmatism for desperation.

India doesn’t need to ally with a hostile neighbour’s enemy to fight its own battles. The days of seeking validation or support from regional powers are long gone. Unlike the Congress regimes of the past, which meekly surrendered strategic advantage and insulted our armed forces with excuses of “no funds,” today’s India stands tall—militarily, economically, and technologically.

Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership, India has transitioned from a reactionary power to a pre-emptive one. Defence budgets have been enhanced. Border infrastructure, ignored for decades, is now a reality. And our forces, long denied their dues, have been given the tools they need to dominate any theatre of war.

Remember Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s words? The assault on Pakistan was paused at their request. That, he said, was “just a trailer.” The “picture is yet to come.” India today has the confidence to take on any neighbour, in a fashion reminiscent of Israel. That’s not bluster—that’s capability backed by conviction.

Let’s not forget that under the Congress regime, India’s borders were left vulnerable. Defence deals were stalled, not for lack of funds, but for lack of will—and, some would say, due to vested interests in kickbacks. From Bofors to AugustaWestland, scams were the norm. Even Dr. Manmohan Singh’s Defence Minister dared to say India lacked funds to build roads along the Chinese frontier. Was this sheer incompetence, or the result of the shady 2008 MoU Congress signed with the Communist Party of China?

What followed was a decade of drift and decay in national security. The armed forces were repeatedly restrained, even when they were ready to retaliate. Barring the 1971 war, India was habitually pulled back from 1948 to 1962 to Kargil.

Everything. India is no longer punching below its weight. Our home-grown defence arsenal is proof. The Akash missile system, India’s very own Iron Dome, now protects military installations. BrahMos and Pinaka systems have shown precision strike capability that even the US has taken notice of. In the recent escalation with Pakistan, Indian missiles reportedly destroyed up to 20% of their military assets, including 11 strategic airbases. The world watched. The Americans sent their radar-detecting aircraft to assess the damage. That says enough.

India’s ability to shoot down enemy drones, jam radars, and neutralize advanced fighter jets now rivals the best in the world. That’s what self-reliance looks like—Aatmanirbhar Bharat is no slogan; it’s a doctrine taking shape in steel, silicon, and firepower.

Some may draw historical parallels—Kandahar was once Gandhara, and shared deep civilizational ties with India. Sanskritic roots of Kabul (Kubh) and Balkh (Bhalika) are facts. Ancient alliances are part of history. But let’s not fool ourselves. The current rulers of Afghanistan are not inheritors of Vedic civilization—they are theocratic warlords with a history of sheltering India’s worst enemies.

Yes, Kautilya did say, “An enemy’s enemy is a friend.” But only when it serves your long-term strategic interest. The Taliban is neither trustworthy nor capable of being a consistent actor in this calculus. India is better off keeping them at arm’s length, extending humanitarian aid when necessary, but never forgetting who they are.

It is beyond tragic that even during moments of national unity, India’s opposition chooses to mock our armed forces and question the government’s intent. These are the same elements who cried foul during the Balakot strikes and surgical operations, asking for “proof.” They are still stuck in a mindset of submissiveness, not realizing India has moved on.

Let them keep whining. India will keep building. India will keep striking.

And no, to those speculating otherwise, Jaishankar’s call to Afghanistan was not a plea for help. It was diplomacy at its most restrained. We don’t need the Taliban. We don’t need alliances of convenience. What we need is what we now possess: the political will, military muscle, and strategic clarity to shape our destiny.