Whom KTR wants to fool?

Kalvakuntla Taraka Rama Rao (KTR), the former IT Minister and son of Bharat Rashtra Samiti (BRS) supremo K. Chandrasekhar Rao (KCR), has once again exhibited his characteristic arrogance by dismissing reports suggesting that his party’s merger with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is imminent. Despite suffering a significant setback in the last parliamentary elections, where the BRS failed to secure even a single seat, KTR’s dismissive and condescending attitude remains evident. His use of casual language like “vaadu-veedu” (a colloquial way of saying “he/she”) is a transparent attempt to project a “bold” image, likely aimed at maintaining public perception.

However, KTR’s dismissive statements bring to mind the famous Telugu film song, “Avu nante kaadani le, kaadante avu nanile,” which highlights the complexity and duality of certain statements. This metaphor seems particularly apt as KTR attempts to downplay the possibility of a merger while simultaneously denying any political maneuvering in Delhi. Notably, KTR and his cousin, T. Harish Rao, were recently in Delhi, purportedly to secure legal aid for KCR’s daughter in connection with the Delhi Excise policy scam. However, reports suggest that their visit may have included political discussions about a potential merger, adding weight to the rumours KTR seeks to dismiss.

This speculation arises in the context of nearly a dozen BRS MLAs, out of the 39 elected, already defecting to other parties, mainly the Congress and a few to the BJP. The remaining members, excluding the KCR family, are reportedly assessing their options, considering the uncertainty of spending the next four years in political obscurity. The likelihood of facing future elections without significant political leverage is a looming concern for these leaders.

Furthermore, the transformation of BRS from a regional to a national party has been met with skepticism, both within and outside the party. Critics argue that there is little prospect for a Telangana-based party to thrive on the national stage, especially when it holds only 17 parliamentary seats. The move to nationalize the party appears to have alienated many who believe that the party’s focus should have remained on regional issues. Moreover, there is a growing realization among the electorate that KCR’s promise to transform Telangana into “Bangaru” (golden) has not materialized. Instead, critics claim that the wealth generated during his tenure has primarily benefited his family, with little trickling down to the general populace.

The party’s association with the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM) has also come under scrutiny. While AIMIM has managed to maintain its influence over the Muslim community in Telangana, it is a party with limited credibility beyond its core base. The Owaisi family, which leads AIMIM, has historically focused on establishing a stronghold in Hyderabad, but their influence remains geographically confined. The alliance between BRS and AIMIM may have provided temporary electoral advantages, but it has not fundamentally altered the political landscape of Telangana.

Given these dynamics, KTR’s ambitions to position BRS as a national party raise significant questions. India already has two dominant national parties, the BJP and the Congress, both of which have deep-rooted structures and substantial voter bases across the country. The Election Commission of India has recently stripped several major regional parties, including the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Samajwadi Party (SP), of their national party status. This development underscores the challenges regional parties face when attempting to scale up to the national level.

In light of these factors, KTR’s assertions appear disconnected from the political realities. The Velama community, to which the KCR family belongs, constitutes a small and economically powerful segment of Telangana’s population. However, its influence is limited, and the broader electorate does not view the Velama community as a dominant political force. With the regional sentiment that once fueled the Telangana movement now largely exhausted, the BRS faces an uphill battle to sustain its relevance, either as a regional or national entity.

The Congress party, under the leadership of A. Revanth Reddy, has made significant strides in Telangana, capitalizing on the governance gaps left by the BRS. Revanth Reddy, despite his non-traditional Congress background, has effectively leveraged his political acumen to strengthen the party’s position in the state. His balanced approach to sensitive issues, such as minority welfare, reflects his pragmatic leadership style. While he has been pressured by the Congress leadership to allocate substantial funds for Muslim welfare, Reddy has managed to maintain a focus on the broader interests of his Hindu constituents as well.

There is speculation that Revanth Reddy may eventually realign with the BJP, given his ideological roots in the Akhila Bharat Vidyardhi Parishad (ABVP), a student wing of BJP and its parent body, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and his early political career with the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), a party historically opposed to the Congress. This potential shift could further complicate the political landscape in Telangana, potentially leaving BRS in a precarious position.

Against this backdrop, KTR’s efforts to sustain BRS as a viable political entity, whether at the regional or national level, seem increasingly untenable. Despite his denials, it is evident that the KCR family is anxiously awaiting the outcome of the Delhi elections, as the Modi government has indicated that it will not make any decisions regarding BRS’s future until then. The BJP’s strategy appears to involve waiting to see how long KCR can hold his party together before defections and internal dissent weaken it beyond repair.

For the BJP, the collapse of BRS would be a favourable outcome, especially given the bitter animosity between KCR and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The BJP would prefer to see BRS disintegrate naturally, rather than absorbing a party led by a leader who has been openly hostile towards Modi. In the meantime, the BJP is biding its time, confident that it can make significant gains in the next assembly elections.

The future of Telangana politics may well hinge on the actions of young leaders like Revanth Reddy and Bandi Sanjay Kumar, who could potentially collaborate to challenge the dominance of established political families. In this volatile political environment, KTR’s attempts to project confidence and maintain control appear increasingly hollow. The electorate in Telangana is unlikely to be swayed by rhetoric that fails to address the underlying issues of governance, accountability, and transparency.

As Prime Minister Modi has reiterated, the BJP is committed to dismantling dynastic politics and promoting a new generation of leaders who are free from the burdens of political legacy. In this context, KTR’s attempts to maintain the BRS’s relevance, either as a regional or national party, seem increasingly futile. The people of Telangana are no longer willing to be deceived by empty promises and family-centric governance.