The Telangana Congress government, led by Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy has decided to table a caste census, a move that raises questions about its sincerity given the party’s historical stance on the issue. In my personal view, though the Congress tries to position itself now as a champion of caste-based enumeration, its past actions tell a different story.
From Jawaharlal Nehru to Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, the Congress has largely resisted caste-based census data despite periodic demands. Even the implementation of the Mandal Commission report, which recommended 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs), was opposed by Rajiv Gandhi, reflecting the party’s long-standing reluctance. Now, with Rahul Gandhi at the helm, the party’s sudden shift in narrative appears more strategic than ideological, seemingly aimed at countering the BJP-led central government.
Historically, the last caste census was conducted by the British from 1881 to 1931. Post-independence, the 1951 Census excluded caste enumeration except for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), a trend that continued in subsequent decades. In 1961, Nehru’s government advised states to conduct their own surveys if needed. Though Parliament unanimously supported a caste census in 2010, the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC-2011) proved ineffective due to methodological flaws, producing an unmanageable 46 lakh caste categories. The data was never officially released, further exposing the Congress’s ambivalence on the issue.
The Mandal Commission, established in 1979 under Prime Minister Morarji Desai, was tasked with identifying socially and educationally backward classes and recommending affirmative action. It found that OBCs constituted 52% of India’s population and proposed 27% reservations in government jobs and educational institutions. However, despite its potential for socio-economic upliftment, the Congress under Rajiv Gandhi opposed its implementation. Home Minister Amit Shah has frequently pointed out that the Modi government granted constitutional status to the Backward Classes Commission, something the Congress failed to do for decades.
Against this backdrop, Telangana’s caste census raises skepticism. Critics argue that the survey was hastily conducted as part of the Congress’s election manifesto rather than a well-planned initiative. Reports of census officials facing resistance from locals further cast doubt on its credibility. The timing, coinciding with upcoming local body elections, fuels speculation that the exercise is politically motivated rather than a genuine attempt at social justice.
Moreover, Revanth Reddy’s commitment to OBC representation is questionable. His 12-member cabinet has seven ministers from forward communities, with only two OBCs, two SCs, and one ST. This imbalance undermines the Congress’s newfound advocacy for caste equity. Voters are unlikely to overlook these inconsistencies when the party seeks their mandate in the local elections.
Ultimately, while a caste census is crucial for effective policy-making, the Congress’s track record makes its intentions suspect. Whether this is a sincere push for social justice or a tactical move to gain electoral advantage remains an open question.
