The recent remarks by PDP leader Mehbooba Mufti—calling the arrest of the Delhi blast accused an “insult to Kashmir”—are not merely irresponsible; they represent a deeper, systemic pattern of political destabilisation long practised by the Abdullahs, the Muftis and their national patron, the Congress. When a mainstream politician attempts to convert a counter-terror operation into an ethnic grievance, it is no longer political rhetoric—it is a challenge to the Indian Constitution and the rule of law. Such behaviour warrants firm, lawful and immediate correction.
The latest provocation did not arise in a vacuum. For decades, National Conference leader Farooq Abdullah has mastered the art of deflecting every terror incident toward New Delhi. He habitually blames the BJP-led government, conveniently ignoring that militancy took root, expanded, and entrenched itself under the long tenures of NC-Congress rule. His evergreen prescription— “talks with Pakistan”—is offered as though Islamabad was a normal democratic state rather than a military-ISI regime that weaponizes terror as an instrument of statecraft.
What Abdullah and Mufti avoid acknowledging is that their political relevance for decades depended on maintaining a controlled instability—an arrangement where separatist sentiment was never eradicated but kept simmering. Special status under Article 370 and 35A enabled both families to build personalised fiefdoms, access central funds without accountability, and selectively distribute opportunities to preserve their vote banks. Industrial stagnation, slow infrastructure growth, the absence of meaningful private investment, and the ghettoisation of Kashmiri society are consequences of this ecosystem—not the result of governments in Delhi.
The Congress, which ruled India for over six decades, bears equal responsibility. Its partnership with these regional dynasties created a governance structure where national security was compromised, militant networks were allowed to burrow deep into civilian life, and radical preachers gained space under the guise of “minority sentiment.” That is precisely why all three—NC, PDP and Congress—fought tooth and nail against the abrogation of Article 370. It removed their political leverage and ended their monopoly over Kashmiri identity.
Since Article 370’s repeal, the Union Government has made visible progress: decline in organised stone pelting, major crackdowns on terror financing, dismantling of separatist infrastructure, and a dramatic rise in tourism and economic confidence. This has rattled those who built their political fortunes on perpetual grievance. Their recent statements are part of a desperate attempt to resuscitate separatist narratives ahead of electoral cycles.
This is where the Modi government must hold firm. Pending investigations and legal cases involving senior NC and PDP leaders should be fast-tracked. Allegations of corruption, misuse of public money, land scams, and facilitation of extremist networks must be pursued to their logical conclusion—irrespective of political sensitivities or upcoming Assembly polls. There can be no special exemption for dynasts whose public messaging routinely undermines India’s sovereignty.
At the same time, the Centre cannot afford complacency in monitoring radicalisation. Whether through educational institutions, NGOs, or foreign-funded religious bodies, subversive elements have repeatedly attempted to exploit democratic freedoms to fuel separatism. Uttar Pradesh under Yogi Adityanath has demonstrated that strong, lawful enforcement—shutting illegal madrassas, prosecuting hate preachers, and dismantling mafia-politician nexuses—can restore order without targeting any community unfairly. Jammu & Kashmir requires similar clarity and consistency.
Meanwhile, the Congress continues its sharp political decline. Its weakening footprint is evident in Bihar, where regional players aligned with it paid a steep electoral price. Several regional parties—from TMC to BRS—have already severed ties, recognising that Congress today brings little electoral strength and often a baggage of anti-Hindu, anti-national perception. Whether the DMK will continue to tether itself to this sinking ship remains an open question.
If India wants enduring peace in Jammu & Kashmir, it must send an unambiguous signal: the era of entitlement politics and separatist appeasement is over. The Constitution is not optional, and national security cannot be negotiated. A decisive stand against the disruptive rhetoric of the Abdullahs, the Muftis and the Congress is not just political necessity—it is a prerequisite for ensuring that the people of Jammu & Kashmir live without fear, and with the confidence that they are an inseparable part of India.
