At long last, Pakistan Army Chief Gen. Syed Asim Munir — whom many retired Indian army veterans and former bureaucrats mock as “Mullah Munir” — has surfaced from hiding (perhaps a nuclear bunker?) to boldly reassert the two-nation theory: that Hindus and Muslims were meant to live in separate nations. For once, Munir deserves grudging applause — he is merely reiterating what Muhammad Ali Jinnah had fought for in 1947.
Jinnah wanted a separate homeland for Muslims. He succeeded. Pakistan was carved out. In contrast, India’s so-called Hindu leaders — Mahatma Gandhi and his handpicked heir Jawaharlal Nehru — refused to recognize the same reality for India. Instead of affirming India as a Hindu homeland, they embraced a secular fantasy that has cost generations dearly.
If Pakistan could declare itself an Islamic republic based on Muslim identity, why did India not assert itself as a Hindu nation? That failure haunts India to this day.
In this light, General Munir’s statement is a gift. It’s an opportunity to set the record straight. With folded hands, we must ask: “Dear Munir saab, since you acknowledge the two-nation theory, why don’t you accept all Muslims from India back into Pakistan?” This would not only complete Jinnah’s dream but also give 100 crore Hindus a reason to celebrate. It would permanently settle the question of divided loyalties and appeasement politics in India.
Of course, we have a condition: forget Kashmir. Jammu and Kashmir, historically ruled by Hindu kings, is and will remain an integral part of India.
Mullah Munir should study history more closely. In 1947-48, when Indian forces had pushed into Lahore and parts of today’s Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK), it was Nehru, not military incompetence, that cost India a complete victory. Under Gandhi’s pressure, Nehru hastily called for a UN-mediated ceasefire. Had India pressed on for another week, there might have been no Pakistan to speak of today.
Today, General Munir speaks big from his bunker, even while his own government, led by Shehbaz Sharif, pleads for restraint. Ministers in Pakistan have already admitted publicly that their government sponsored cross-border terrorism at the behest of foreign powers like the United States — a humiliating confession that has shattered Pakistan’s credibility.
Meanwhile, the world stands firmly with India. Barring China and Turkey — both diplomatically irrelevant today — no serious nation supports Pakistan’s terror machinery anymore. Even Russia, when approached by China for potential support, politely distanced itself from Pakistan. The message is clear: Pakistan is isolated.
If Pakistan’s generals believe that nuclear weapons can shield them from consequences, they are deluded. China, for all its chest-thumping, is unlikely to risk a direct war with India that could spiral into a global conflict. India today is a major global power with solid international support. Pakistan, on the other hand, is a crumbling state, fighting economic collapse, internal insurgencies, and growing public resentment.
The situation inside Pakistan is desperate. The country is torn between Shehbaz Sharif’s government and the jailed Imran Khan’s supporters, both distrusting their own military. The infamous ISI faces increasing backlash as citizens grapple with poverty and joblessness. Modi’s move to scrap the Indus Waters Treaty only tightened the noose further. Pakistan’s desperate, laughable gestures — like threatening to cancel the Simla Agreement — only expose its impotence.
There is little doubt: if India chooses decisive military action today, Pakistan may not recover economically for at least two decades. Taliban factions and Baloch rebels are also waiting for an opportunity to strike at the Pakistani state. As recent train hijackings and terror strikes show, Pakistan is already unravelling from within.
Thus, General Munir’s revival of the two-nation theory isn’t just historical trivia. It’s a warning sign. If Pakistan continues on its suicidal path of terrorism and bluster, it will perish — either by India’s hand or by internal collapse. Munir and Shehbaz would be wise to accept reality before it is too late.
Even inside India, a few “snakes in the backyard” — sullen politicians and aging army officers — continue fear-mongering about Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal. But they forget: a nuclear bomb is not a magic shield. If Pakistan crosses the final red line, it risks breathing its last.
For now, let us thank General Munir. His honesty about Hindus and Muslims needing separate nations only strengthens India’s case. It vindicates those who argued that India should have proudly declared itself a Hindu Rashtra in 1947.
It is not too late to correct that historic blunder.
