Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to attend the birth anniversary of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) founder Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar at the organization’s headquarters in Nagpur has triggered a fresh wave of political controversy. The opposition’s visceral reaction is neither surprising nor new, given its long-standing obsession with the RSS. However, the outrage is both misplaced and hypocritical.
The RSS, often branded as the ideological parent of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has historically played a significant role in India’s socio-political landscape. Originally established to safeguard Hindu cultural values and Sanatan Dharma, the RSS has evolved over the decades, adapting to contemporary challenges. More than just a nationalist organization, it has consistently engaged in disaster relief, national security efforts, and grassroots service. From aiding war efforts in 1962 against China to providing relief during calamities, its role as a selfless service institution is undeniable.
Yet, the Congress and its allies have systematically demonized the RSS, using it as a convenient punching bag since the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948. This narrative, cemented by Nehruvian historians, has been aggressively propagated in textbooks and public discourse. However, facts tell a different story. Nathuram Godse, Gandhi’s assassin, was no longer associated with the RSS at the time of the crime. His reasons for the act were documented in court, but successive Congress-led governments ensured that a singular, distorted version of history was taught to generations of Indians. Now, with the advent of social media, these long-buried facts are being unearthed, exposing the selective amnesia of India’s political class.
A recent viral social media post has highlighted this hypocrisy by questioning why Indian history books fail to mention the 1939 assassination attempt on Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in Bhavnagar. Patel, India’s first Home Minister and the true unifier of the nation, was attacked by a group of armed Muslim extremists while traveling in an open jeep. His supporters formed a human shield to protect him, with two individuals succumbing to injuries. Despite this significant historical event, there has been little discussion about the identities and motivations of the attackers, let alone any demonization akin to what the RSS has faced over the decades.
This raises a fundamental question: On what grounds does the Congress question the BJP’s association with the RSS? The RSS is an established socio-cultural institution with a proven track record of nation-building. Narendra Modi, who himself was an RSS pracharak before entering active politics, has every right to visit its headquarters, especially on the occasion of its centenary and to pay homage to its founder. As India’s elected leader, he is accountable to the people, not to the whims of a political opposition that has consistently sought to vilify institutions that do not align with its ideology.
The Congress’s argument that Modi, as Prime Minister, should distance himself from the RSS falls flat when examined in the light of historical precedents. India’s first President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, defied Prime Minister Nehru’s directive and attended the inauguration of the Somnath Temple, underscoring the fact that elected leaders are not bound by the ideological preferences of their predecessors. Modi’s participation in RSS events is a continuation of this tradition—an assertion of his right to engage with institutions that have shaped his ideological convictions and continue to contribute to the national fabric.
The real issue at play here is not Modi’s visit but the Opposition’s desperation. With the rise of a confident and self-reliant ‘New India,’ where the principles of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas (inclusive development and trust) are taking center stage, the old guard finds itself increasingly irrelevant. Bereft of a coherent agenda, it resorts to fear-mongering, divisive politics, and misrepresenting history to maintain its rapidly eroding voter base.
Ultimately, the opposition’s outrage over Modi’s visit to the RSS headquarters is a smokescreen—a distraction from its own ideological bankruptcy. The Prime Minister’s association with the RSS is neither unconstitutional nor unethical. It is, instead, a reaffirmation of his roots and a recognition of an organization that has played a crucial role in shaping India’s socio-political landscape. The question, therefore, is not why Modi visited the RSS headquarters, but why the Opposition remains so threatened by it.