MS Shanker
India is gearing up to formalize its presence in the final frontier—with a military space doctrine expected to be unveiled in the coming months. This strategic shift, confirmed by Chief of Defence Staff General Anil Chauhan, is not just a reactionary move to China’s growing dominance in space warfare—it’s a long-overdue assertion of India’s place in the 21st-century defence ecosystem.
The doctrine, when released, will represent a tectonic shift in India’s approach to space, moving from a primarily peaceful, civilian-led endeavour to one that also accommodates military preparedness. For a nation that has historically viewed space as a realm for scientific exploration, telecommunications, and weather forecasting, the evolution is both symbolic and pragmatic.
India’s space journey has always been an underdog story—with the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) achieving remarkable milestones on limited budgets. From launching the Mars Orbiter Mission in a shoestring $75 million to executing precision lunar missions, India has already cemented its reputation as a space power. But now, the game is changing.
China, with its aggressive anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons tests, dedicated military space branch, and ambition to dominate low-earth orbit, has effectively weaponised space. India has taken note. The 2019 demonstration of its own ASAT capability—Mission Shakti—was a clear message: India can respond in kind. But doctrine is what turns capabilities into strategy.
General Chauhan’s emphasis on cultivating a “space culture” within the armed forces signals a deeper transformation. This isn’t about sporadic capability displays; it’s about institutionalising space as a domain of warfare—alongside land, sea, air, and cyber. The upcoming doctrine aims to guide the integration of space assets into India’s overall defence posture.
Enter the Defence Space Agency (DSA), India’s dedicated military space body formed in 2019. While it has worked largely behind the scenes, the DSA is expected to play a central role in operationalising the doctrine. From satellite-based intelligence to communication resilience and strategic surveillance, the DSA’s mandate is to ensure India is never caught off guard in a space-denied scenario.
India’s push toward a military space doctrine also aligns with its broader geopolitical objectives: ensuring strategic autonomy and economic resilience. Satellites are now the lifelines of modern economies—guiding everything from logistics to agriculture, navigation to banking. Securing these assets is no longer optional; it’s imperative.
China’s rapid advancements—including spaceplanes, satellite jammers, and even the potential weaponisation of its Tiangong space station—have highlighted the vulnerabilities of nations that rely on peaceful assumptions. India’s response, therefore, is both defensive and deterrent in nature.
Critically, India’s new doctrine won’t emerge in a vacuum. It will likely outline scenarios of threat perception, mechanisms for space-based situational awareness, and protocols for coordinated operations among the tri-services. Just as importantly, it will lay the foundation for civil-military cooperation in space—a blend of ISRO’s technical prowess and the armed forces’ operational needs.
The broader space sector reforms in recent years—such as opening up the market to private players through IN-SPACe, and boosting space startups—also feed into this doctrine. A resilient and secure space ecosystem requires both military infrastructure and commercial innovation. And India is consciously building both.
The upcoming military space doctrine will not mark a shift in India’s peaceful space ambitions but rather fortify them against an increasingly contested and congested domain. As the world inches closer to space-based conflicts and tactical satellite operations, India’s move is not about militarising space but about ensuring it is not left defenceless in it.
Because in the wars of tomorrow, dominance may not start on the ground—it may begin in orbit.
